Under occupation, Hamas has not, and will not, lose the will to fight. And far from being party to disarm Hamas on behalf of Israel and the United States, Arab leaderships will continue to live with it.
Meanwhile, the Israeli military campaign, along with the de facto annexation of the West Bank, will continue to severely compromise the political legitimacy and credibility of the Palestinian Authority. And the ultimate effect of further discrediting the PA, and eviscerating its financial viability, is to deny the possibility of achieving the justice, security and equal rights for Palestinians upon which peace ultimately depends.
Traumatised by October 7, 2023, and preoccupied with the fate of Israeli hostages, few Israelis appear concerned at the reduction of Israel to the international status of a pariah state. In practice, such external criticism matters little. For Israeli extremists, including the Jewish settler movement, October 7 represents an opportunity to pursue a vision of a Jewish state that extends across Gaza and the West Bank. Even if the present government is forced to stop short of formal annexation of those areas, it will place enormous pressure upon Palestinians living beyond major urban centres and in refugee camps.
While in the US, congressional support for Israel is unwavering, in Australia, ending the military campaign sits logically and morally alongside support for a Palestinian state.
Australia is legally obliged to support attempts to end the war. However, there are clear practical and political limits to placing additional pressure upon Israel. And the pursuit of Australia’s wider interests in the relationship with Washington suggests we should find a place in the middle of the vanguard on Palestine, rather than the front.
Australia is already sanctioning high-profile advocates for the settler movement, including some members of the Israeli cabinet, arms sales are effectively suspended already, and like other western governments, Australia has acted against imports from Jewish settlements in the West Bank.
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Given the obduracy and determination of Israel’s political leadership to pursue its assault, the failure of sustained efforts by concerned Israelis to shift the Netanyahu government on such issues as the hostages, and before that on legal reform proposals, the likelihood of popular pressure in Israel ending the war is very limited.
But unless there is a change of approach from the US, it is only by bringing home to ordinary Israelis that the actions of its government in Gaza have far exceeded any legal or moral justification, and that there will be consequences for them if the military campaign continues, that lives may be saved.
Accordingly, if it is to contribute to ending the conflict, Australia should help to build a global consensus to suspend all cultural, sporting and academic links with Israel until it ends its actions in Gaza, and enables the unhindered distribution of humanitarian aid by UNRWA and other UN agencies.
There should be a clear statement that dual-national Australians who serve with the Israel Defence Force may be subject to prosecution in Australia if the International Court of Justice determines that war crimes have been committed. It should also be made clear that Israelis seeking to visit Australia may be asked if they have undertaken military service in Gaza; and that their visa applications will be reviewed accordingly.
While these modest measures may have limited effect on the ground, there can be no justification for Australia failing to use its influence where possible. Any leverage can help bring this carnage to a halt should, and must, be used.
Bob Bowker is an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University, and a former Australian ambassador to several Arab countries.
